Soldiers on Leave in Berlin, 1941

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), p. 133:

Perhaps Moltke was not just thinking of German victims, but it was difficult to disguise the toll the war was taking on German soldiers. Death notices of men who had “fallen for the Volk and Führer” increased in the newspapers. And bitter strains began to be felt between the men who had to do the fighting and the people at home. The Wunschkonzert for the Wehrmacht had been stopped already in May, for reasons that are not quite clear. By midsummer, German soldiers on the eastern front might no longer have had time for such distractions.

In December, a curious letter of complaint was sent by a soldier to officers in the high command, who forwarded it to the Nazi Party authorities. On leave in the capital of the Reich, this soldier had been shocked by the behavior of Berliners. While men on the front were dying for their country, or losing their limbs, or freezing to death, he remarked, Berliners, many of them men under thirty-five years old, who had managed to be excused from military duty, were carousing in the packed bars and restaurants. Women, often without male company, used ration coupons belonging to soldiers on leave to gorge themselves. He was deeply offended by the cynicism he encountered. “The morals of Berlin are beneath contempt,” he wrote. “When it comes to eating, pushing black market goods, and fraudulence, 80 percent of the population has no conscience. And what about those Judeo-Bolshevik jokes that endanger state security in the worst way? If Berlin were Germany, we would have lost this war long ago.”

Berlin Bombing Neologisms, 1940

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), pp. 102-103, 108:

Berliners, like all denizens of big cities, often pride themselves on their urban wit, the humor of which is not always apparent to people from the outside—which is part of the fun, of course. The new reality of nightly bombing raids inspired some examples of the famous Berlin wit. A printed invitation did the rounds to a basement party put on by a Berlin cabaret, promising an all-night program with a musical overture of sirens, a fireworks display, and a lecture by Professor Fragmentation-Bomb entitled “All Good Things Come from Above.”

A contemporary joke: An airplane carrying Hitler, Goering, and Goebbels crashes. All three are killed. Who is saved? Answer: The German people. When Berliners said goodbye, they often wished each other a “bo-lo-na,” short for Bombenlose Nacht (night without bombs).

...

A new verb entered the already rich lexicon of violent Nazi vocabulary: Coventrisieren, to “Coventry” a city. On November 14, the Luftwaffe bashed the city of Coventry with more than five hundred tons of incendiary and explosive bombs, as well as air mines that exploded upon impact. The cathedral went up in flames, more than five hundred people died, and two thirds of the city’s buildings were badly damaged.

Newspaper headlines in the rest of November gave Berliners a taste of what it meant to be Coventried: “Eyewitness Account of the Devastation of London: London Is on Its Way to Being Totally Destroyed” (Völkischer Beobachter, November 20). “Birmingham in Flames: The Blaze Can Be Seen from as Far as the English Channel” (VB, November 21). “Coventry, a Dead City” (VB, November 21).

...

Since the bunkers that went up in 1940 by no means offered enough protection against bombs for most Berliners, it was decided that children should be evacuated to the countryside. The word “evacuated” was never mentioned in public, however, since that would suggest a sense of panic. The official term was Kinderlandverschickung, KLV, or “children’s relocation.” In the bracing rural air of Brandenburg, Silesia, or Bavaria, the children would be taught discipline, obedience, and loyalty to the Volksgemeinschaft, by senior members of the Hitler Youth. The state would pay for the KLV of poorer children. Wealthier families would have to pay for it themselves. Off they went, waving swastika flags from packed railway carriages, the youngest ones with tags around their necks bearing their names. Parents were not allowed to visit their children in their new billets, for that would interfere with their education.

From Sitzkrieg to Blitzkrieg in the West

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), pp. 92-93:

When German troops invaded Denmark and Norway in April [1940], “to save Scandinavia from British influence,” according to the Nazi press, victory came so quickly that the public was not especially alarmed. On the contrary. The SD reported, “The occupation of Denmark and Norway has made a huge impression on the entire German people, which rejoiced almost without exception.” It helped that Denmark was a major producer of ham, butter, and eggs, supplies the occupation army was not slow to plunder to feed the Volk back home. Moltke wrote to his wife on April 13, “The process by which Denmark is gradually to be made like Poland begins today. I did what I could to prevent it; but when I first heard about it the people who should have done something had already given their consent.” Denmark would never be like Poland, but the occupation was bad enough.

Meanwhile, Goebbels’s Promi [Propaganda Ministry], echoed by the obedient press, made sure that once an attack on Britain and France was launched, the blame would fall squarely on the belligerents in Paris and London. On May 8, the Berliner Volks-Zeitung reported that France and Britain were preparing aggressive war plans. Chamberlain, of all people, was depicted as a warmonger: “Never before has a responsible statesman played with the fate of nations in a more villainous and shameless fashion.” An article on the same page exulted in the extraordinary change in Norwegian public opinion. Somehow, all the old sympathies for Britain had vanished:

...

On the evening of May 9, Major Sas, the Dutch military attaché, anxious to get information on the latest German war plans, visited the home of Hans Oster, his friend in the Abwehr. Oster told him that the Germans would invade the Netherlands the next morning, unless Hitler gave a counterorder later that night. The Dutch ambassador, meanwhile, was dancing with his wife, Nini, at the home of a friendly German aristocrat. Sas and Oster waited fearfully for more news. Perhaps things might still turn around at the last minute. When the counterorder didn’t come, Oster said, “My dear friend, it’s all over. I hope we’ll see each other again after the war.” The Dutch capitulated four days later, after German Luftwaffe bombers did to Rotterdam what they had previously done to Warsaw: The center of the city was obliterated. This marked the end of the Sitzkrieg, the Phony War.

Berlin's Busybodies, 1939-45

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), pp. 23-24:

Kennan, as an American diplomat, was vastly more comfortable than most Berliners, especially when winter set in. In Kennan’s description: “Canals were frozen. Fuel was short. Whole blocks of huge apartment houses could not be heated at all and had to be evacuated in zero weather.” (Jews were deprived of coal, and left to freeze in their “Jew houses.”) People also lived in constant fear of busybodies who could have a person arrested for breaking any petty regulation. The lowest-level busybody was the block warden (Blockwart), usually a little local fanatic, who would make sure that any untoward remarks or behavior observed on his street would be instantly reported to the relevant Nazi authorities. One such man is described by the German British Christabel Bielenberg. Herr Neisse was perhaps no better or worse than most minor Nazi officials. In daily life, he was a friendly gardener, who greeted Christabel politely as Frau Doctor Bielenberg whenever they crossed paths, and was a handy man with the pruning shears when her vine leaves needed pruning. A war veteran, he had come to Berlin from a small village in Saxony, and had had his fair share of problems. Like millions of other working men, Herr Neisse had suffered from inflation, unemployment, and poverty in the big city. And like millions of others, he had come to understand whom to blame for his own and his country’s misfortunes. His Führer had made that very clear. “ ‘Oh, no, Frau Dr., you must not get me wrong,’ ” he hastened to say, “ ‘not one particular Jew…. No, no, International Jewry…. You understand, Frau Dr., International Jewry.’ ”

Before Hitler came to power, Herr Neisse had already attended party meetings, where the men wearing brown storm trooper uniforms under their raincoats arrived in halls that reeked of sweat and beer. There they could freely fling up their arms and sing their favorite songs: “Clear the streets for the brown battalion / clear the streets for the storm division man!” In 1933, the humble, polite, diffident gardener became a somebody, a figure of authority, someone to be feared, “resplendent,” in Christabel’s words, “in brown uniform with shining boots and pill box hat, his mustache trimmed to a neat rectangle, his left thumb hitched into his Sam Browne belt and his right arm raised rigid in salute.” He was “resurgent Germany.” On a visit to Berlin in 1946, after she had moved back to England, Christabel was curious to know what had happened to Herr Neisse. She was told that he had been hanged from a lamppost after the Russian troops fought their way into the city in May 1945. Perhaps the Russians did it. Perhaps someone took revenge on a minor Nazi. Or, most plausibly, Herr Neisse had lost his faith in the Führer as the Reich collapsed around him and he had voiced doubts about Germany’s final victory. That was all it took in those last days of the war to be hanged by a mob of zealous SS men, roaming the streets in search of “defeatists.”

From Christabel’s description of Herr Neisse, he was not a particularly bad man, not motivated by malice, but he and people like him could get anyone into serious trouble if they caught them insufficiently blacking out their windows, or God forbid, listening to the BBC on their radio. After passing through the Alex, such offenses could result in forced labor, time in a concentration camp, or even death. Imposing petty rules was also another way to bully Jews in Berlin. A non-Jew caught jaywalking or cutting diagonally across a street would be let off with a warning. Jews would be taken to police stations, where they were often abused by bored cops just for sport.

Berlin's "Golden October" of 1939

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), p. 53:

Thinking back to the first year of the war, Hilde became almost wistful: “We had a lot of fun, and danced in bars like the Eden and the Roxy. Hans played jazz music when he was in a good mood. It was a wonderful time, especially at night when we danced with small groups of friends. But then we had to walk through the dark streets to the S-Bahn…. That was not such fun.”

The poet Jochen Klepper, who would later commit suicide with his Jewish wife, wrote about the “Golden October” of 1939, when the weather was still fine before the cold winter months set in. He took a walk along the Wannsee on October 15: “The lakes never looked so beautiful. A marvelous afternoon after the morning rain…. We are so happy about the lovely walks we can enjoy here. All day, until sundown at five o’clock, the terrace doors are open, and the summer furniture is brought out once more. Everything is redolent of the tentative sense of peace.”

As long as one wasn’t Jewish, or involved in active resistance, it was almost possible to imagine that life in Berlin was normal. “Normal” is the word I heard most often from men and women I interviewed about their childhood at the beginning of the war in Berlin. I asked a retired engineer named Jörg Sonnabend about his school days. We were having coffee and cakes prepared by his wife, Dorrit, in the small living room of their apartment in Spandau. A teddy bear dressed in a German naval uniform was sitting on a bookshelf next to a model battleship. “Absolutely normal,” remembered Herr Sonnabend about his primary school. “Nothing different from other times.” He couldn’t recall any pictures of Hitler in the classroom. “Well, yes, in the principal’s office, there was a portrait of the Führer.” Songs? “Yes, there were the usual songs. We sang the Horst Wessel song [the Nazi anthem] during flag raising ceremonies, of course. And as a boy I must confess I loved uniforms. But otherwise, things were entirely normal. All the horror people talk about nowadays, none of that bothered us until the Allied bombings.”

Advertisements in the newspapers promoted ways to cope with graying hair, or ears that stick out, or heartburn after having had too much to eat. Goebbels complained in his diary about the upper classes living it up, partying with foreign diplomats. He vowed to put a stop to that.

Sitzkrieg Begins in Berlin, 1939

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), pp. 50-51:

The next air raid, on September 9, was as harmless as the first. The alarm lasted for forty-five minutes, but nothing happened at all. This, too, helped to further calm the nerves of Berliners. Helmuth von Moltke wrote to his wife from Berlin that “an infectious optimism has spread in the well-known way of mass psychology; the optimistic assumption is that the people of France won’t fight; it is claimed that French soldiers put big placards on their bunkers, in German: ‘If you don’t shoot, we won’t start.’ The story seems too fantastic. Still, it is true that nearly a week after the outbreak of the war the French and British have not yet done anything to come to the aid of their ally [Poland].”

Moltke had been drafted into the Abwehr, the military intelligence service, run by Wilhelm Canaris, a Nazi supporter who began to turn against Hitler after the invasion of Poland. As an intelligence insider, Moltke knew more than most people, but even he was puzzled by the lack of action from the Allied powers. Many Berliners hoped this meant that the war would be over soon. Surely, the occupation of Poland would be accepted as a fait accompli, just as the invasion of Czechoslovakia and the annexation of Austria had been in 1938. Rumors of imminent peace started spreading around town. As Christabel Bielenberg, the Anglo-German living in Dahlem, had already observed before the invasion of Poland: “With all normal channels of information successfully under control, rumor and hearsay took over and ran riot.”

This is exactly what happened on October 10. Quite how the rumor of imminent peace negotiations began is unclear: A misinformed telegram sent by a clerk at the Berlin central post office was the explanation of the SD, short for Sicherheitsdienst, the fearsome Nazi security service. Ruth Andreas-Friedrich: “A rumor is running through town this morning, like wildfire: the English government has fallen; a ten days’ truce is proposed…. All Berlin is on the telephone. ‘Had you heard…. Is it really true?’ ”

People stopped working in offices. Students at the Friedrich Wilhelm University were celebrating. There was a rush on government bonds at the stock exchange. Christabel Bielenberg went shopping at her local market, passing the church of Martin Niemöller, who had been arrested in 1938 for resisting Nazi persecution of Jewish converts to Christianity. Groups of people gathering around stores and street corners discussed the sensational news. The French had given up all resistance. The abdicated King Edward VIII, who held rather warm feelings toward the Führer, was about to reoccupy the British throne. Hands were stretched to Christabel in congratulation. Frau Schmitz, who ruled the food market behind her vegetable stall, “all overcoat and apron, a bulging monument to the peculiar ribald stoicism which characterizes the true Berliner,” knew exactly what was up: The gentlemen at the top had changed their minds, they were coming to an agreement! A plane all the way from Britain was about to land that afternoon at Tempelhof airfield. Extra rations of tomatoes, bread, and cabbage were slipped into the shopping bags of grateful customers. Rationing would soon be history anyway.

Life Goes On After September 1939

From Stay Alive! Berlin 1939-1945, by Ian Buruma (Penguin, 2026), p. 19:

New plays were being written for the theater, often by hacks whose odes to the healthy German spirit would not have had much success in Berlin before 1933. German and foreign classics were widely performed, including Shakespeare’s plays. In September 1939, as well as a play by Goethe (Iphigenia in Tauris) at the Volksbühne, and Tosca at the Volksoper, and Der Opernball (The Opera Ball), an operetta set in nineteenth-century Paris, at the former Metropol Theater, home of the Weimar-period avant-garde, there was also a play by Noël Coward. The pages of the Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung featured photographs of revues and burlesque theaters, with chorus lines of seminude dancers kicking up their legs, Broadway style. On the surface, it would seem, Berlin was still Berlin, and not a huge amount had changed since the free-spirited Weimar days, except, of course, for the free spirit. Cabarets had lost their bite and irreverent wit. The avant-garde experimentation for which Berlin had been famous was dead. What was left were the classics, and a great deal of mostly insipid entertainment, “joyful art in serious times,” as it was described in the Völkischer Beobachter, the main Nazi newspaper. Goebbels wished to keep people amused, their minds off the perils of war. He even allowed many dance places and nightclubs to reopen at the end of September, after the fall of Warsaw, which had claimed the lives of eighteen thousand Polish civilians. Goebbels laid out his policy for the radio, which he saw as “by far the most important instrument to influence the masses.” To instill the right attitude in people was vital, but “not to be boring, not to be tedious…. The correct attitude is important, but it doesn’t have to be dull.”

That people should be going about their normal lives, attending concerts and movies, sunning themselves at the beach on the Wannsee, betting on the horses at the Hoppegarten, dancing to jazz tunes at the Delphi-Palast, even as people were being tortured in the Gestapo cellars on Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, and murdered or worked to death at Sachsenhausen, is disturbing but should not surprise anyone. Human beings adapt, carry on, turn away from things they don’t wish to hear or see.